At first glance, Virginia has flipped, big time. The Old Dominion was blue in 2008, and has been bright red since, with Republicans sweeping the 2009 state races and taking three of the six seats held by incumbent Democrats in the 2010 congressional midterms.
Not so fast, says Quentin Kidd, a political-science professor at Christopher Newport University and regular contributor to AugustaFreePress.com.
Kidd hesitated after ’08 to call Virginia blue, and he’s not jumping the gun to declare the Democratic Party of Virginia dead after 2010, either.
“The fundamentals of Virginia I don’t think have changed. I think for the last 10 or 15 or 20 years, maybe, VIrginia has been an increasingly competitive state where both parties battled it out over ideas and such. I think the part of the moving part that’s moved back and forth has been that moderate middle,” said Kidd in an interview with AugustaFreePress.com this week.
The moderate middle had been rewarding Democrats like Mark Warner, Tim Kaine and Jim Webb for their centrist, business-oriented approaches up until the 2009 elections, when Republicans, led by Bob McDonnell, seized the center of the political spectrum.
“If you just count seats, it looks like Democrats are where they were 10 years ago. But I think it’s worth noting that Bob McDonnell ran successfully as a Republican gubernatorial candidate as a business-oriented, no-nonsense, I’m-going-to-work-on-the-economy, I’m-not-going-to-deal-with-social-issues kind of candidate. And I think he found himself over there running not as an ideological Republican, but as a business-oriented Republican, in part because of the successes of the Democratic Party,” Kidd said.
When the football team starts losing games, the fan base tends to start getting antsy, and when the losses compound into a losing season, you can start hearing calls for the coach’s head.
Politics isn’t unlike football in that respect, which brings us to the curious case of Tim Kaine, the former Virginia governor who was tapped by Barack Obama in January 2009 to head up the Democratic National Committee, a playoff team at the time, to borrow from the football analogy.
The coach that Kaine was replacing was former Vermont Gov. Howard Dean, who pulled himself up from having been the frontrunner who couldn’t in the 2004 Democratic Party presidential nomination race to basically being the man responsible for rebuilding the DNC from the ashes of two stinging White House defeats on the wings of his controversial 50-state strategy. In the process Dean established himself as a sort of Vince Lombardi of the Democratic Party, the party’s triumphs in the 2006 midterms and the 2008 Obama win in the presidential race being his back-to-back Super Bowls. Continue reading “Winning isn’t everything, it’s the only thing” »
You talk to one Democrat, and the party definitely, no question, needs to restrategize toward the middle. The blowback from voters in Massachusetts is an obvious clear signal. The nation isn’t comfortable with the direction things had been headed on health care and the stimulus. Time to pull things back in for a while.
Talk to another Democrat, and that first Democrat is either an idiot or worse, a sellout. Exit polls in Massachusetts indicate that a strong majority of voters there like their state-level version of universal health care. The blowback was local, aimed at a poorly-run campaign on the part of the Democratic nominee, Martha Coakley.
Changing the course now will bring about a repeat of 1994, when Democrats threw in the towel on health-care reform and suffered at the polls in a historic GOP takeover of the House that November.
“There’s no profit in moving to the center,” said Robert Borosage, the co-director of the Washington, D.C.,-based Campaign for America’s Future, which bills itself as the “strategy center for the progressive movement.” Continue reading “Democrats: Where do you go from here?” »
Virginia’s two United States senators, within hours of each other earlier this week, were headlining efforts in the Senate aimed at impacting the health-care reform whirlwind winding up on Capitol Hill this December.
Mark Warner was first out of the gate on Tuesday with the coalition of moderate Democrats that he cobbled together to back a series of amendments to the health-reform bill pushing work with the public and private sectors on cost containment. Jim Webb upped the ante with the announcement that he had joined a group of 19 senators – a bipartisan group because it includes four Republicans, most notably Arizona Sen. John McCain – backing another amendment that would allow for the importation of lower-priced, Food and Drug Administration-approved drugs from other approved countries. Continue reading “Focus | The political calculus on health-care reform for Warner, Webb” »
This just in to the AFP newsroom – Bob McDonnell can now be projected the winner in the 2009 Virginia governor’s race.
OK, most people still have yet to vote, but the writing is on the wall, clearly, with the Republican leading Democrat Creigh Deeds by at least 10 points in the pre-election polls.
The polls tell more about where Virginia is politically right now than that we’re about to elect a Republican to lead state government for the first time in 12 years. Foremost, they tell us that we’re about to make this move even while President Barack Obama and Gov. Tim Kaine, both Democrats, maintain approval ratings among Virginians over 50 percent, with Kaine near 60 percent in some polls. Continue reading “InDepth | First draft of history: How Bob won, how Creigh lost” »
Bob McDonnell clearly appears to be pulling away from Creigh Deeds at the top of the ticket in Virginia’s state races. At first glance, Republican Lt. Gov. Bill Bolling and GOP attorney-general candidate Ken Cuccinelli would seem to be on their way to victories on Nov. 3 as well.
A poll conducted by Christopher Newport University puts a different look on the downticket races, and suggests that there’s room for Democratic lieutenant-governor candidate Jody Wagner and ticketmate Steve Shannon in the attorney-general race to pull off upsets on Election Day. Continue reading “AFP InDepth | What about downticket?” »
Christopher Newport University political scientist Quentin Kidd joins us on “The Chris Graham Show” to break down the June 9 Democratic Party gubernatorial primary race with a focus on how candidates Terry McAuliffe, Creigh Deeds and Brian Moran are running in Hampton Roads and thoughts on the expected voter turnout. Length: 10:39. Continue reading “Breaking down the Democratic primary” »
The race for the Democratic Party nomination to run for governor has come to look an awful lot like the race for the Dem nomination to run for the White House that resulted in Barack Obama’s historic victory in November.
It started early – when Valley native son Creigh Deeds declared his candidacy for the nomination in December 2007, almost two full years before the general election. And it certainly has its star power – with Clinton confidante and former Democratic National Committee chair Terry McAuliffe now aiming to seize the frontrunner role. Continue reading “Trying to make sense of the ’09 Dem governor’s race” »
The formal entree of former Democratic National Committee chair Terry McAuliffe into the 2009 governor’s race on Monday means all the players are present and accounted for now. McAuliffe, who filed papers today to run for governor, but is officially still only exploring a possible run, will compete for the Democratic nomination with Northern Virginia State Del. Brian Moran and Bath County State Sen. Creigh Deeds, who narrowly lost the 2005 attorney general race to presumptive 2009 Republican Party gubernatorial nominee Bob McDonnell. Continue reading “Divided Ds, motivated Rs, and other ’09 trends” »
He started his general-election campaign here in June after sewing up the Democratic Party nomination, and he’s going to end it here late Monday night. Still want to quibble over how seriously Barack Obama is taking Virginia?
“What better way is there to showcase the importance of this state as far as the Democrats and the Obama campaign are concerned?” George Mason University political-science professor Mark Rozell said.
I was working for an ultraconservative newspaper based in Charlottesville – not exactly the best place for somebody who would later become the chair of a Democratic Party committee to be, but it paid the bills. It also gave me a different perspective on Mark Warner, at first a skeptical one, as I covered his 2001 gubernatorial campaign, and his pronouncements about being a fiscal conservative, and then as we launched The Augusta Free Press in 2002, and we heard the drumbeat toward that 2004 budget reform or tax increase or whatever you want to call it depending on your political perspective.
Two weeks ago, the ’08 presidential election was essentially a referendum on whether Democratic Party nominee Barack Obama was fit to be commander-in-chief, even as Obama had been efforting for months to convince voters that it was really about change. Last night, John McCain, a political maverick to a fault, redefined the race by calling a halt to the referendum on Obama’s experience and accepting the mantra of change.
“The speech he gave last night is the kind of campaign he wants to run,” Christopher Newport University political-science professor Quentin Kidd told me this morning, referring to the McCain Republican National Convention acceptance speech in which he did not say George W. Bush’s name out loud, excoriated Republicans for being “elected to change Washington, and we let Washington change us,” and echoed Obama’s Democratic National Convention speech of a week ago by making fight and change the new campaign buzzwords.
That’s the way McCain has always seen himself, Kidd said, “as the maverick, Straight Talk Express John McCain.” “I think he’s by necessity found himself having to wander around and move away from that a little bit in the Republican primary season, and I think he’s trying to get back there to the middle,” Kidd said. “Because really McCain the reformer, McCain the straight talker, was the McCain that appealed to Middle America, the middle of American politics. He had to move away from the middle to win the nomination, and now he’s trying to move back to the middle. But the oddity is that he realizes that he can’t do that alone, he has to have somebody there on the right side of his party to satisfy that side of his party,” Kidd said.
And so here we are, with the polls that had reflected a brief Obama DNC bounce again tightening even before the paradigm shift that the McCain acceptance speech promises to add to the mix with the surprise selection of heretofore little-known Alaska Gov. Sarah Palin to run on the GOP ticket. The response to the speech itself was at best mixed. I tuned into the Fox News Channel for postspeech analysis from the network’s line of conservative commentators and was a bit taken aback at the tepid response from the cheerleader set. Former Bush campaign brain Karl Rove summed it up best, calling it a “workmanlike speech, but not what we saw last night” from Palin in her red-meat slash-and-burn vice-presidential nomination acceptance speech. Another former member of Bush’s inner circle, former presidential speechwriter Michael Gerson, called the speech “pretty disappointing.” “It didn’t do a lot of outreach to moderates and independents on issues that they care about,” Gerson said. “It talked, about issues like drilling and school choice which was really speaking to the converted. I think that was a missed opportunity. Many Americans needed to hear from this speech something they have never heard from Republicans before. And in reality, a lot of the policy they’ve heard from Republicans before,” Gerson said.
Those reads are of interest to me because like Kidd I focused on the notes on the song sheet singing change. A second read of the speech revealed some of what Gerson in particular was saying. The school-choice reference was somewhat cloaked, but evident upon a careful reread. “When a public school fails to meet its obligations to students, parents deserve a choice in the education of their children. And I intend to give it to them. Some may choose a better public school. Some may choose a private one. Many will choose a charter school. But they will have that choice and their children will have that opportunity. Sen. Obama wants our schools to answer to unions and entrenched bureaucracies. I want schools to answer to parents and students. And when I’m president, they will,” McCain said. The lines, meanwhile, about taxes and the economy bordered on the nonsensical. “I will keep taxes low and cut them where I can. My opponent will raise them. I will open new markets to our goods and services. My opponent will close them. I will cut government spending. He will increase it,” McCain said, without offering specifics about either Obama’s plan, which actually only increases taxes on the top 5 percent of income-earning Americans and at the same time includes provisions aimed at significantly reducing government spending, or his own plan, which is predicated upon a continuation of the Bush tax cuts for the superwealthy and offers nothing concrete in terms of going about reducing out-of-control government spending.
“John McCain said that his party was elected to change Washington, but that they let Washington change them. He’s right,” Obama campaign spokesman Bill Burton said in response. “He admonished the ‘old, do-nothing crowd’ in Washington, but ignored the fact that he’s been part of that crowd for 26 years, opposing solutions on health care, energy and education. He talked about bipartisanship, but didn’t mention that he’s been a Bush partisan 90 percent of the time, that he’s run a Karl Rove campaign, and that he wants to continue this president’s disastrous economic and foreign policies for another four years. With John McCain, it’s more of the same,” Burton said.
My thinking is that the “more of the same” tagline that the DNC and the Obama campaign has hung on the McCain campaign is resonating with voters enough at least in the McCain camp’s eyes that they decided it was necessary to make the break with Bush and the maintream of the Republican Party to have any chance of winning in November. It’s a fine line to have to walk, though, as was evidenced last night with the cricket-chirping silence that his more cutting observations about the need to get the country back on the right track and get the federal government back on the right track was greeted with. “The challenge for McCain is twofold,” George Mason University professor and political expert Steve Farnsworth told me today. “One, he has to generate enthusiasm among the conservative Republicans who have never really liked McCain. They’ll support him grudgingly, but that doesn’t necessarily mean that they’ll be enthusiastic in their work on the campaign. The selection of Sarah Palin as the running mate I think solves the first problem. The base really likes Palin, and her very aggressive, combative approach is exactly what the McCain campaign needed to keep conservative Republicans enthusiastic about the election,” Farnsworth said.
“The second challenge, reaching out to moderate, independent voters, is really the job of McCain’s more than Palin’s. And if you listen to the McCain speech last night, or if you read it, you see very clearly that McCain has a great interest in presenting himself as a moderate figure interested in bringing about a more cooperative politics in the years ahead.”
“Ultimately the conservative Republicans don’t have any other place to go. So in order to win some more independents, McCain is saying some things at the convention that some of the more conservative Republicans don’t want to hear. But that’s McCain – that’s the way he’s been throughout his career. He’s always been a thorn in the side of more conservative Republicans,” Farnsworth said.
I used the phrase fine line to describe the path that the McCain campaign needs to walk the next two months. I think Kidd had a more evocative way of putting it. “He’s really woven a pretty interesting piece of fabric here in selecting her and then giving the kind of speech he gave, which suggests the kind of campaign he wants to run. It’s an interesting tapestry, and it’s a complicated one. We’ll see. If he’s successful at pulling it off, then he energizes his base and he captures the middle, which is what he needs to do to win,” Kidd said.
Kidd advises that we not underestimate the ability of McCain to pull this seemingly impossible feat off. “McCain has been good at adjusting. If you remember during the primary season, everybody thought he was out. His campaign team was in disarray, he had no money. He’s proven very adept at adjusting, and so I think it’s going to be a very exciting season,” Kidd said.