Blog by Raymond Tanter
For the Iranian regime, Iranian dissidents in Camp Liberty, Iraq, are of monumental strategic import. Despite the regime’s charm for sanctions offensive, talks on the nuclear file might continue to deadlock and military options may become more likely again. Iranian Mojahedin contacts on the ground in Iran and Iraq are potential strategic assets for Washington against Tehran. The regime is aware that the Mojahedin have ties with Sunni leaders in Iraq, which can help tilt the balance against a “Shiite arc” of Tehran, Baghdad, and Damascus. This strategic state motivates Tehran to demoralize members of the Mojahedin in Iraq, extradite them to Iran, and destroy the Iranian Mojahedin as a force that challenges clerical rule.
Against this strategic backdrop, it is hardly surprising that during June 2009 uprisings in Iran, Iraqi forces acting on behalf of Iran attacked Camp Ashraf on July 30. Iraqis raided the Camp, killed eleven, jailed dozens as hostages, and then released them in October.
When unrest recurred in Iran during February 2011, Baghdad attacked Ashraf on April 8. There isvideo evidence of Iraqi forces directly aiming and firing at female Camp residents. Senator John Kerry, then Chair of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, described the April assault as a “massacre.” Senator Kerry called for a “thorough and serious” investigation, and he emphasized, “The investigation must hold accountable the responsible parties and ensure that there will be no sequel to these horrific events.” No such investigation occurred, no one was held accountable, and there have been additional attacks on Ashraf by Baghdad.
Rocket and mortar shells fell on Camp Liberty, killing six and wounding over 50, on February 9, 2013. The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) called these attacks, “a despicable act of violence” and described residents of the Camp as asylum seekers entitled to international protection.
On September 1, 2013, Iraqi forces assaulted Ashraf killing 52 and seizing seven hostages. The forces attacked those left behind by mutual consent of the UN and Baghdad to care for personal property of 3,000 residents who transferred to Camp Liberty. “According to reports reaching UNHCR, the missing persons are reportedly being held somewhere in Iraq and may be at risk of being returned involuntarily to Iran, which would be a serious breach of international law. These seven are all known by UNHCR to be asylum-seekers…”
International humanitarian law precludes transfer of persons from one state to another if they face persecution. Washington extended protected persons status to Iranian Mojahedin under the Fourth Geneva Convention. When U.S. forces withdrew as 2011 ended, responsibility for protection of the Iranians fell to Iraq. Baghdad failed to protect and also attacked them. Hence, responsibility to protect reverts back to Washington.
When protectors assault the protected, what can be done? The seven held as hostages must be located and taken to Liberty. Institutions relevant to inducing the Baghdad to release the hostages include American Embassy Baghdad; United Nations Assistance Mission, Iraq (UNAMI); International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC); UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR); Human Rights Watch; and Amnesty International. Most of them condemned the attack and blamed Baghdad, but to no avail. Maximum publicity exposing the horrific attacks with evidence like video of the assault on Ashraf in September can help stimulate actions by these institutions.
There are reports the Commander of the Qods Force of the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC) ordered the Iraqi security advisor to launch a fresh round of rocket attacks on Camp Liberty to cover the September attack on Ashraf and overshadow calls for release of hostages. Also, the former IRGC Navy Admiral appointed as Secretary of the Supreme National Security Council praised Iraq for killing the 52 Iranian dissidents in Camp Ashraf.
Because of tensions between President Rouhani and the IRGC, bad publicity about the hostage issue might harm the Rouhani goal of using charm for sanctions relief in nuclear talks with the major powers due to resume in Geneva in mid-October. A public letter from Catherine Ashton, EU “foreign minister,” who may chair the talks, to Prime Minister Maliki about “a significant risk that…[the hostages] could be sent to Iran” might have more effect now than earlier.
Finally, to reinforce negative publicity, one option that might get Baghdad’s attention is a hearing on Capitol Hill to condition U.S. funds on Iraq’s cooperation releasing the seven hostages and allowing Iranian dissidents to leave Iraq to resettle to third countries.
Raymond Tanter served on the National Security Council staff in the Reagan-Bush administration and is Professor Emeritus at the University of Michigan. His latest book is “Arab Rebels and Iranian Dissidents.“
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