I share the overall view of the 12 U.S. government officials who have resigned in protest against the Biden administration’s policy in connection with the Israel-Hamas war.
They wrote in their joint statement, titled Service in Dissent, that “America’s diplomatic cover for, and continuous flow of arms to Israel has ensured our undeniable complicity in the killings and forced starvation of a besieged Palestinian population in Gaza. This is not only morally reprehensible and in clear violation of international humanitarian law and U.S. laws, but it has also put a target on America’s back.”
I have supported Israel’s right to defend itself as well as the Biden administration’s support of Israel’s war efforts, standing by the U.S.’s iron-clad commitment to Israel’s security by providing it with all necessary military aid and political cover. I have stated time and again that Hamas’s unprecedented Oct. 7, 2023, attack and Israel’s unparalleled retaliation have reinforced my own view, which I share with many others, that there will be no resolution to the 76-year-old Israeli-Palestinian conflict short of a two-state solution. I still hold to the position that it will be impossible to return to the status quo that prevailed before Oct. 7, as a new paradigm was created that offered the inimitable opportunity to recommence the peace negotiations that could lead to a two-state solution.
Personally, I was in favor of crippling Hamas militarily. Still, I have also repeatedly stated that while Israel may be able to crush Hamas militarily, it will be unable to destroy it as a political movement that holds a specific ideology that calls for Israel’s destruction. However, I have never subscribed to the notion that Hamas will ever be in a position to extinguish Israel for many reasons, including the fact that Hamas leaders know only too well that Israel is a formidable military power whose existence is irrevocable. The war has made it clear that challenging Israel’s right to exist is tantamount to suicide.
President Biden was the first global leader to affirm that, given the new developing circumstances, a two-state solution is a prerequisite to end this endemic conflict. As the war continued to grind on and as the Palestinians’ death toll and destruction were mounting, and Prime Minister Netanyahu categorically refused to even mention any solution along the lines of an independent state, the whole idea of a two-state solution was dropped from Biden’s lexicon. But the flow of weapons to Israel, if anything, was increasing without any preconditions.
Moreover, the U.S. vetoed two UNSC resolutions that called for a ceasefire while food, water, fuel, and medical supplies were dwindling, and the displacement of Palestinians by the hundreds of thousands continued unabated. Meanwhile, Israel’s relentless bombing using American-made bombs, which were killing thousands in densely populated areas, made the U.S. complicit in the horrific carnage. By now, more than 37,000 Palestinians have been killed, and more than half of Gaza lies in ruin.
I mentioned the above because the U.S. is the only power that can exert the necessary influence to prevail over Netanyahu’s resistance to a) articulate an exit strategy from Gaza, and b) agree to begin a negotiating process that will culminate in ending the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Regardless of its complexity and how long that might take, there is no other viable solution, and the U.S. ought not to merely make statements about the need for such an outcome but act on it.
This is an election year, and the Gaza war has exerted a tremendous burden on Biden because of the conflicting situation in which he finds himself. On the one hand, he feels compelled to come to Israel’s assistance not only because of the U.S.’ long-standing commitment but also because he has been a staunch supporter of Israel throughout his political career. On the other hand, even though he was inclined to slow the supplies of weapons by halting the delivery of 2,000 bombs that caused incalculable damage, especially in urban areas, the Republicans accuse him of risking Israel’s security at such a fateful hour.
It is time for Biden to act more decisively to help bring an end to the Israeli-Hamas war by taking four critical measures:
Conditional supplies of weapons
Notwithstanding the aforementioned, Biden must now condition any further supplies of American weapons to Israel on an exit strategy upon which both Israel and the U.S. agree. Netanyahu will no doubt resist, fearing the collapse of his government, which two messianic ministers, Ben-Gvir and Smotrich, threaten to leave unless there is a total defeat of Hamas. Nevertheless, should Netanyahu fail to agree to any such plan, Biden ought to make it abundantly clear when he meets with Netanyahu on July 24 that he will no longer be able to count on the U.S.’s unconditional military and political support.
Ceasefire
Biden has already advanced a comprehensive plan that could lead to immediate cessation of hostilities involving an initial six-week ceasefire and the release of hostages in the first phase. Humanitarian aid should be allowed to flow into Gaza to avert further starvation, if not famine, while allowing displaced Palestinians to return to their homes. The second phase would involve permanent ceasefire negotiations. Here, where Biden has indicated that there will be details to iron out, I have stated in the past that the negotiations in the second phase must, at a minimum, address the general parameters of a permanent solution that involves addressing the root causes of the conflict, tackling issues such as the blockade of Gaza, settlement expansion, and the broader Israeli-Palestinian peace process.
Reconstruction of Gaza
Even before reaching a permanent ceasefire, the US should raise $10 billion, along with some European and Arab states, to begin the reconstruction of Gaza. The prerequisites here are that Hamas and the PA must come to terms with one another and that both sides commit to a peaceful solution to their conflict with Israel. The provision and delivery of essential supplies should be managed by UNRWA, as it has extensive experience in the area, provided that it is supervised by parties that Israel can trust, such as the U.S. and perhaps some European countries. This would help alleviate the humanitarian crisis and build trust between the parties.
Mediation and Negotiations
Biden’s administration should continue to work with regional partners, especially Egypt, Qatar, and Turkey, to facilitate dialogue between Israel and Hamas. Not only can these parties aim to ensure that Hamas adheres to negotiated ceasefire agreements, which is crucial, they can also encourage Hamas to come to terms with Israel’s existence. In that regard, these states can also work, in conjunction with China’s new effort to mediate between the Palestinian Authority and Hamas, toward reconciliation between the two factions. This will be central to the creation of a newly-elected Palestinian government that will be in charge of both Gaza and the West Bank and that recognizes Israel’s statehood, which is in line with the PA’s position since the 1993 Oslo Accords.
The above represents the critically important four measures that Biden must pursue, albeit not to the exclusion of other vital steps. Indeed, much remains to further mobilize the international community to support such a general framework. It is urgent to engage allies in the European Union and the Arab League, especially Saudi Arabia, which can play a pivotal role in enticing both Israel, through the normalization of relations, and the newly-elected Palestinian government, by funding essential projects in the West Bank and Gaza. Such efforts will create a unified front, encouraging Israel and Palestinians to commit to reconciliation and peace.
Given the U.S.’s unsurpassed position and influence, Biden still has a unique opportunity to change the dynamic of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and use the tragedy of the Gaza war to promote Israeli-Palestinian peace. His unequivocal support of Israel thus far has raised serious questions about the U.S.’ moral standing while inadvertently prolonging the Gaza war with all of its horrific consequences.
It is not too late to change course; even if Biden fails, he can justifiably claim that he has genuinely tried.
Dr. Alon Ben-Meir is a retired professor of international relations, most recently at the Center for Global Affairs at NYU. He taught courses on international negotiation and Middle Eastern studies.